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1   Piazza   dl   Spagna  Calle   Cangallo    469 


?  tetrtral  of  Ammran  if  tstorg 

(f  uarter  Ntnrtmi  Sixteen 

VOLUME  X  JULY-AUGUST-SEPTEMBER  NUMBER  3 


Proo«r?o  bg  Slj*  National  Ijtetoriral  (Eompattg,  in  (f  ttarterlg  l-ottuma, 
3Fo«r  Hooka  to  tlj*  Holwtt*,  at  3ter  Sollars  Amwallg, 
Hollar  a  Glopg  for  ^tngk  Numb^ra,  far 

Naltnnal 


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ADDRESS  ALL  COMMUNICATIONS  TO  THE  NEW  YORK  OFFICES 

fExwutttt?  0Dflk?r0  nf  QUj*  ^attmtal  lEottnrtal  itrotora 

S  I0t0rtral  00mta  FRANK  AU.ABEN,  Editor-in-Chief 

FRANK  ALLABEN,  President  MABEL  T.  R.  WASHBURN,  Genealogical  Editor 

JSS  Ti  R  wiiS-UirsS^11  W*™  W«™  S«™.  Associate  Editor 

DUDLEY  BUTLER,  Treasurer  JOHN  FOWLER  MITCHELL,  JR.,  Associate  Editor 


(grand  OInunril  of  ilj? 

A.    M.      Ex-California   Representa- 

PHILANDER  KEEP  ROOTS  tive 

George  Washington   Memorial  As-  Colotabo 

sociation  MRS.  JOHN  LLOYD  McNEiL 

MRS.  Louis  FLICKINGER  past   Regent,   Colorado,   Daughters 

State   Recording   Secretary  Daugh-  of  the  American  Revolution 

ters  of  the  American  Revolution  SDftfttfCt  Of  Columbia 

California  MRS.  HENRY  F.  DIMOCK 

ROY  MALCOM,  A.  M.,  PH.  D.  President  George  Washington  Me- 

Professor  of  History,  University  of  morial  Association 

Southern  California  CAPTAIN     ALBERT     HARRISON     VAN 

MRS.  CYRUS  WALKER  DEUSEN.     Holland  Society,  Sons  of 

HONORABLE  NATHAN  W.  BLANCHARD,  the  American  Revolution 

[373] 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY 


LEWIS  HORN  FISHER,  LL.  M. 

Secretary  United  States  Civil  Serv- 
ice, Fourth  District 
MRS.  MARY  STUART  SMITH 

Jf  lotto  a 
MRS.  CLAUDE  STELLE  TINGLEY,  B.  S., 

M.  A. 
SISTER  ESTHER  CARLOTTA,  S.  R. 

Ex-President  Florida  Division  Unit- 
i         ed  Daughters  of  the  Confederacy 

^  a  to  aii 

GEORGE  P.  CASTLE 
WILLIAM  D.  WESTERVELT 

HUnri* 

SAMUEL  S.  BUTLER 
HONORABLE  CHARLES  E.  WILSON 
HONORABLE  JOHN  H.  HUNGATE 
President  First  National  Bank,    La 

Harpe 
MRS.  WASHINGTON  HESING 

Daughters  of  the  American  Revolu- 
tion, Founders  and  Patriots 
MRS.  GEORGE  A.  LAWRENCE 
MRS.  HENRY  CLAY  PURMORT 
Life-Member     Society     Mayflower 
Descendants  in  Illinois 

Infetaia 

JOHN  FOWLER  MITCHELL 

President  William  Mitchell  Printing 

Company 
HONORABLE  GEORGE  H.  COOPER 

Cashier  Greenfield  Citizens'  Bank 

Iftoa 

SHERMAN  IRA  POOL 

Sons  of  the  American   Revolution, 

Iowa  State  Historical  Society 
EDWIN  WELCH  BURCH 

First   President   Iowa   Baptist  Bro- 
therhood 
HEMAN  C.  SMITH 


Editor  Journal  of  History 


CHARLES  ALEXANDER  KEITH,   B.   A. 
OXON. 
History  and  Civics,  East  Kentucky 

Normal  School 
MRS.  WILLIAM  H.  THOMPSON 

Vice-President     General,     National 
Society  Daughters  of  the  Ameri- 
can Revolution 
Miss  MARY  NATHALIE  BALDY 

SPaitu 

Miss  NELLIE  WOODBURY  JORDAN 
Instructor  in  History,  State  Normal 


HUGH  MACLELLAN  SOUTHGATE,  B.  S. 
American  Institute  Electrical  Engi- 
neers 


ALPHONZO  BENJAMIN  BOWERS,  C.  E. 
President  Atlantic  Harbor  Railroad 

Company 
HENRY  Louis  STICK,  M.  D. 

Superintendent  Hospital  Cottages  for 

Children,  Baldwinsville 
J.  VAUGHAN  DEN  NET? 

New  England  Historical  and  Genea- 

logical Society 
MRS.  Louis  PRANG 

President  Roxbury  Civic  Club 
MRS.  SARAH  BOWMAN  VAN  NESS 
Honorary  Life   Regent,  Lexington, 
Daughters  of  the  American  Rev- 
olution 
Miss  CAROLINE  BORDEN 

Trustee  American  College,  Constan- 
tinople 


FREDERICK  W.  MAIN,  M.  D. 
Jackson  Chamber  of  Commerce 


[374] 


Bancroft  Library 


for  All  All  for 

feplrndiD  Kcbrillr  to  Jntrrnarional  patriotism 
a   (Brcat   fetatccman   at   tljr    pan=ammcan    fecirntifir 


BY 


THE  HONORABLE  ROBERT  LANSING 

Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States 

R.  PRESIDENT  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Congress: 

It  is  an  especial  gratification  to  me  to  address  you 
today,  not  only  as  the  officer  of  the  United  States 
who  invited  you  to  attend  this  great  Scientific  Con- 
gress of  the  American  Republics,  but  also  as  the  pre- 
siding member  of  the  Governing  Board  of  the  Pan- 
American  Union.  In  this  dual  capacity  I  have  the  honor  and  pleasure 
to  welcome  you,  gentlemen,  to  the  capital  of  this  country,  in  the  full 
confidence  that  your  deliberations  will  be  of  mutual  benefit  in  your 
various  spheres  of  thought  and  research,  and  not  only  in  your  individ- 
ual spheres  but  in  the  all-embracing  sphere  of  Pan-American  unity  and 
fraternity  which  is  so  near  to  the  hearts  of  us  all. 

It  is  the  Pan-American  spirit  and  the  policy  of  Pan- Americanism 
to  which  I  would  for  a  few  moments  direct  your  attention  at  this  early 
meeting  of  the  Congress,  since  it  is  my  earnest  hope  that  "Pan- Amer- 
ica" will  be  the  keynote  which  will  influence  your  relations  with  one 
another  and  inspire  your  thoughts  and  words. 

Nearly  a  century  has  passed  since  President  Monroe  proclaimed 
to  the  world  his  famous  doctrine  as  the  national  policy  of  the  United 
States.  It  was  founded  on  the  principle  that  the  safety  of  this  Republic 
would  be  imperiled  by  the  extension  of  sovereign  rights  by  a  European 
power  over  territory  in  this  hemisphere.  Conceived  in  a  suspicion  of 
monarchial  institutions  and  in  full  sympathy  with  the  republican  idea, 
it  was  uttered  at  a  time  when  our  neighbors  to  the  south  had  won  their 
independence  and  were  gradually  adapting  themselves  to  the  exercise 
of  their  newly  acquired  rights.  To  those  struggling  nations  the  doc- 
trine became  a  shield  against  the  great  European  powers,  which  in  the 

[457] 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

spirit  of  the  age  coveted  political  control  over  the  rich  regions  which 
the  new-born  States  had  made  their  own. 

The  United  States  was  then  a  small  nation,  but  a  nation  which 
had  been  tried  in  the  fire;  a  nation  whose  indomitable  will  had  re- 
mained unshaken  by  the  dangers  through  which  it  had  passed.  The 
announcement  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  was  a  manifestation  of  this 
will.  It  was  a  courageous  thing  for  President  Monroe  to  do.  It  meant 
much  in  those  early  days,  not  only  to  this  country  but  to  those  nations 
which  were  commencing  a  new  life  under  the  standard  of  liberty. 
How  much  it  meant  we  can  never  know,  since  for  four  decades  it  re- 
mained unchallenged. 

During  that  period  the  younger  Republics  of  America,  giving  ex- 
pression to  the  virile  spirit  born  of  independence  anl  liberal  institu- 
tions, developed  rapidly  and  set  their  feet  firmly  on  the  path  of  national 
progress  which  has  led  them  to  that  plane  of  intellectual  and  material 
prosperity  which  they  today  enjoy. 

Within  recent  years  the  Government  of  the  United  States  has 
found  no  occasion,  with  the  exception  of  the  Venezuela  boundary  inci- 
dent, to  remind  Europe  that  the  Monroe  Doctrine  continues  unaltered 
a  national  policy  of  this  Republic.  The  Republics  of  America  are  no 
longer  children  in  the  great  family  of  nations.  They  have  attained 
maturity.  With  enterprise  and  patriotic  fervor  they  are  working  out 
their  several  destinies. 

During  this  later  time,  when  the  American  nations  have  come 
into  a  realization  of  their  nationality  and  are  fully  conscious  of  the 
responsibilities  and  privileges  which  are  theirs  as  sovereign  and  inde- 
pendent States,  there  has  grown  up  a  feeling  that  the  Republics  of  this 
hemisphere  constitute  a  group  separate  and  apart  from  the  other  na- 
tions of  the  world,  a  group  which  is  united  by  common  ideals  and  com- 
mon aspirations.  I  believe  that  this  feeling  is  general  throughout 
North  and  South  America,  and  that  year  by  year  it  has  increased 
until  it  has  become  a  potent  influence  over  our  political  and  commer- 
cial intercourse.  It  is  the  same  feeling  which,  founded  on  sympathy 
and  mutual  interest,  exists  among  the  members  of  a  family.  It  is  the 
tie  which  draws  together  the  twenty-one  Republics  and  makes  of  them 
the  American  Family  of  Nations. 

This  feeling,  vague  at  first,  has  become  today  a  definite  and  cer- 
tain force.  We  term  it  the  'Tan-American  spirit,"  from  which 
springs  the  international  policy  of  Pan- Americanism.  It  is  that  policy 
which  is  responsible  for  this  great  gathering  of  distinguished  men, 

[458] 


ONE  FOR  ALL,  ALL  FOR  ONE 

who  represent  the  best  and  most  advanced  thought  of  the  Americas. 
It  is  a  policy  which  this  Government  has  unhesitatingly  adopted  and 
which  it  will  do  all  in  its  power  to  foster  and  promote. 

When  we  attempt  to  analyze  Pan-Americanism  we  find  that  the 
essential  qualities  are  those  of  the  family — sympathy,  helpfulness  and 
a  sincere  desire  to  see  another  grow  in  prosperity,  absence  of  covet- 
ousness  of  another's  possessions,  absence  of  jealousy  of  another's 
prominence,  and,  above  all,  absence  of  that  spirit  of  intrigue  which 
menaces  the  domestic  peace  of  a  neighbor.  Such  are  the  qualities  of 
the  family  tie  among  individuals,  and  such  should  be,  and  I  believe  are, 
the  qualities  which  compose  the  tie  which  unites  the  American  Family 
of  Nations. 

I  speak  only  for  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  but  in 
doing  so  I  am  sure  that  I  express  sentiments  which  will  find  an  echo 
in  every  Republic  represented  here,  when  I  say  that  the  might  of  this 
country  will  never  be  exercised  in  a  spirit  of  greed  to  wrest  from  a 
neighboring  state  its  territory  or  possessions.  The  ambitions  of  this 
Republic  do  not  lie  in  the  path  of  conquest  but  in  the  paths  of  peace 
and  justice.  Whenever  and  wherever  we  can  we  will  stretch  forth  a 
hand  to  those  who  need  help.  If  the  sovereignty  of  a  sister  Republic 
is  menaced  from  overseas,  the  power  of  the  United  States  and,  I  hope 
and  believe,  the  united  power  of  the  American  Republics  will  consti- 
tute a  bulwark  which  will  protect  the  independence  and  integrity  of 
their  neighbor  from  unjust  invasion  or  aggression.  The  American 
Family  of  Nations  might  well  take  for  its  motto  that  of  Dumas'  famous 
musketeers,  "One  for  all ;  all  for  one." 

If  I  have  correctly  interpreted  Pan- Americanism  from  the  stand- 
point of  the  relations  of  our  Governments  with  those  beyond  the  seas, 
it  is  in  entire  harmony  with  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  The  Monroe  Doc- 
trine is  a  national  policy  of  the  United  States ;  Pan- Americanism  is  an 
international  policy  of  the  Americas.  The  motives  are  to  an  extent 
different,  the  ends  sought  are  the  same.  Both  can  exist  without  im- 
pairing the  force  of  either.  And  both  do  exist  and,  I  trust,  will  ever 
exist  in  all  their  vigor. 

But  Pan-Americanism  extends  beyond  the  sphere  of  politics  and 
finds  its  application  in  the  varied  fields  of  human  enterprise.  Bear- 
ing in  mind  that  the  essential  idea  manifests  itself  in  cooperation,  it 
becomes  necessary  for  effective  cooperation  that  we  should  know  each 
other  better  than  we  do  now.  We  must  not  only  be  neighbors,  but 
friends ;  not  only  friends,  but  intimates.  We  must  understand  one  an- 

[459] 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

other.  We  must  comprehend  our  several  needs.  We  must  study  the 
phases  of  material  and  intellectual  development  which  enter  into  the 
varied  problems  of  national  progress.  We  should,  therefore,  when 
opportunity  offers,  come  together  and  familiarize  ourselves  with  each 
other's  processes  of  thought  in  dealing  with  legal,  economic,  and  edu- 
cational questions. 

Commerce  and  industry,  science  and  art,  public  and  private  law, 
government  and  education,  all  those  great  fields  which  invite  the  in- 
tellectual thought  of  man,  fall  within  the  province  of  the  deliberations 
of  this  Congress.  In  the  exchange  of  ideas  and  comparison  of  ex- 
periences we  will  come  to  know  one  another  and  to  carry  to  the  nations 
which  we  represent  a  better  and  truer  knowledge  of  our  neighbors 
than  we  have  had  in  the  past.  I  believe  that  from  that  wider  knowl- 
edge a  mutual  esteem  and  trust  will  spring  which  will  unite  these  Re- 
publics more  closely  politically,  commercially,  and  intellectually,  and 
will  give  to  the  Pan-American  spirit  an  impulse  and  power  which  it 
has  never  known  before. 

The  present  epoch  is  one  which  must  bring  home  to  every  think- 
ing American  the  wonderful  benefits  to  be  gained  by  trusting  our 
neighbors  and  by  being  trusted  by  them,  by  cooperation  and  helpful- 
ness, by  a  dignified  regard  for  the  rights  of  all,  and  by  living  our  na- 
tional lives  in  harmony  and  good  will. 

Across  the  thousands  of  miles  of  the  Atlantic  we  see  Europe 
convulsed  with  the  most  terrible  conflict  which  this  world  has  ever 
witnessed ;  we  see  the  manhood  of  these  great  nations  shattered,  their 
homes  ruined,  their  productive  energies  devoted  to  the  one  purpose  of 
destroying  their  fellowmen.  When  we  contemplate  the  untold  misery 
which  these  once  happy  people  are  enduring  and  the  heritage  which 
they  are  transmitting  to  succeeding  generations,  we  can  not  but  con- 
trast a  continent  at  war  and  a  continent  at  peace.  The  spectacle  teaches 
a  lesson  we  cannot  ignore. 

If  we  seek  the  dominant  ideas  in  world  politics  since  we  became 
independent  nations,  we  will  find  that  we  won  our  liberties  when  in- 
dividualism absorbed  men's  thoughts  and  inspired  their  deeds.  This 
idea  was  gradually  supplanted  by  that  of  nationalism,  which  found 
expression  in  the  ambitions  of  conquest  and  the  greed  for  territory 
so  manifest  in  the  nineteenth  century.  Following  the  impulse  of  na- 
tionalism the  idea  of  internationalism  began  to  develop.  It  appeared 
to  be  an  increasing  influence  throughout  the  civilized  world,  when  the 
present  war  of  Empires,  that  great  manifestation  of  nationalism,  stayed 

[460] 


ONE  FOR  ALL,  ALL  FOR  ONE 

its  progress  in  Europe  and  brought  discouragement  to  those  who  had 
hoped  that  the  new  idea  would  usher  in  an  era  of  universal  peace  and 
justice. 

While  we  are  not  actual  participants  in  the  momentous  struggle 
which  is  shattering  the  ideals  toward  which  civilization  was  moving 
and  is  breaking  down  those  principles  on  which  internationalism  is 
founded,  we  stand  as  anxious  spectators  of  this  most  terrible  example 
of  nationalism.  Let  us  hope  that  it  is  the  final  outburst  of  the  cardinal 
evils  of  that  idea  which  has  for  nearly  a  century  spread  its  baleful  in- 
fluence over  the  world. 

Pan-Americanism  is  an  expression  of  the  idea  of  international- 
ism. America  has  become  the  guardian  of  that  idea,  which  will  in  the 
end  rule  the  world.  Pan- Americanism  is  the  most  advanced  as  well  as 
the  most  practical  form  of  that  idea.  It  has  been  made  possible  be- 
cause of  our  geographical  isolation,  of  our  similar  political  institutions, 
and  of  our  common  conception  of  human  rights.  Since  the  European 
war  began  other  factors  have  strengthened  this  natural  bond  and  given 
impulse  to  the  movement.  Never  before  have  our  people  so  fully  real- 
ized the  significance  of  the  words,  "Peace"  and  "Fraternity."  Never 
have  the  need  and  benefit  of  international  cooperation  in  every  form 
of  human  activity  been  so  evident  as  they  are  to-day. 

The  path  of  opportunity  lies  plain  before  us  Americans.  The  gov- 
ernment and  people  of  every  Republic  should  strive  to  inspire  in  others 
confidence  and  cooperation  by  exhibiting  integrity  of  purpose  and 
equity  in  action.  Let  us  as  members  of  this  Congress,  therefore,  meet 
together  on  the  plan  of  common  interests  and  together  seek  the  com- 
mon good.  Whatever  is  of  common  interest,  whatever  makes  for  the 
common  good,  whatever  demands  united  effort  is  a  fit  subject  for  ap- 
plied Pan- Americanism.  Fraternal  helpfulness  is  the  keystone  to  the 
arch.  Its  pillars  are  faith  and  justice. 

In  this  great  movement  this  Congress  will,  I  believe,  play  an  ex- 
alted part.  You,  gentlemen,  represent  powerful  intellectual  forces  in 
your  respective  countries.  Together  you  represent  the  enlightened 
thought  of  the  continent.  The  policy  of  Pan- Americanism  is  practical. 
The  Pan-American  spirit  is  ideal.  It  finds  its  source  and  being  in  the 
minds  of  thinking  men.  It  is  the  offspring  of  the  best,  the  noblest  con- 
ception of  international  obligation. 

With  all  earnestness,  therefore,  I  commend  to  you,  gentlemen,  the 
thought  of  the  American  Republics,  twenty-one  sovereign  and  inde- 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

pendent  nations,  bound  together  by  faith  and  justice,  and  firmly  ce- 
mented by  a  sympathy  which  knows  no  superior,  but  which  recognizes 
only  equality  and  fraternity. 


[462] 


Jn  Httum 


flnurican  He  publics  artist  fetanb 

of  tfjc  European  ttUr  cam  Be  #ntagom0m  of 
and  iosrrG  totoarb  t&e  flmmran  l\rpublicG_£*jrrom  an  flb= 
9D*Ubmfc  betote  t$e  fetconu  jaamjammcan  Scientific 


BY 


THE  HONORABLE  JOHN  BARRETT 

Director-General  of  The  Pan  American  Union 

HIS  Pan  American  Congress  may  prove  to  be  the  most 
important  Pan  American  gathering  that  has  been  held 
in  the  history  of  the  American  Republics.  It  has  come 
at  a  critical  time  in  the  world  development,  and  the 
eventual  practical  results  which  should  follow  its  delib- 
erations and  conclusions  may  determine  the  sovereign 
integrity  and  actual  life  of  all  the  American  Republics.  The  spirit  of 
fraternity,  solidarity,  and  common  interest,  which  is  inspiring  all  the 
delegations  that  are  here  assembled  is  giving  a  meaning  to  Pan  Ameri- 
canism which  all  the  nations  must  forever  hereafter  respect.  While 
there  is  nothing  in  the  world  or  spirit  of  this  Congress  which  is  in  any 
way  antagonistic  to  Europe,  it  will  be  unquestionably  a  most  powerful 
factor  in  cementing  that  new  relationship  of  mutual  interest  and  inter- 
dependence which  has  been  growing  with  great  rapidity  in  the  last 
few  years,  and  especially  since  the  outbreak  of  the  European  war. 

In  the  minds  and  thoughts  of  everybody  interested  in  Pan  Ameri- 
canism is  the  question:  What  is  going  to  happen  to  Pan  America 
when  this  war  is  over?  Immediately  and  instinctively  there  is  the 
reply:  The  American  Republics  must  stand  together  for  the  eventu- 
alities that  may  possibly  develop. 

While  everyone  would  deplore  any  agitation  or  suggestion  that  a 
European  nation  or  a  group  of  European  nations,  following  this  strug- 
gle, should  undertake  any  territorial  aggrandizement  in  the  Western 

[463] 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

Hemisphere,  or  in  any  way  take  action  that  would  contravene  the 
Monroe  Doctrine,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  and  can  not  be  for  a  mo- 
ment overlooked  that  whatever  way  this  war  results  there  may  be  lit- 
tle or  no  love  for  the  United  States  and  the  other  nations  which  form 
Pan  America.  Whichever  group  of  nations  wins  in  this  mighty  combat 
will  say  that  it  won  in  spite  of  the  attitude  of  the  United  States  and 
the  other  American  Republics.  Whichever  side  loses  will  say  that  it 
lost  because  of  the  attitude  of  the  United  States  and  its  sister  Ameri- 
can Republics. 

No  matter,  therefore,  how  just  and  fair  the  nations  of  America 
may  have  been  in  their  efforts  to  preserve  their  neutrality  and  in  no 
way  interfere  on  either  side  of  this  conflict,  the  wrar  passions  and  the 
war  power  of  the  peoples  and  the  Governments  of  the  victorious  group 
of  nations  may  force  a  policy  toward  Pan  Americanism,  toward  the 
Monroe  Doctrine,  and  toward  their  relationship  with  individual  coun- 
tries of  the  Western  Hemisphere,  which  will  demand  absolute  solidar- 
ity of  action  on  the  part  of  the  American  Republics  to  preserve  their 
very  integrity. 

In  the  light  of  this  terrible,  though  regrettable,  possibility,  one 
supreme  thought  stands  out,  and  that  is :  If  a  foreign  foe  were  to  suc- 
ceed in  destroying  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States,  it  would  only 
be  a  question  of  time  when  that  foe  would  destroy  the  sovereignty  of 
every  other  American  Republic.  In  turn,  there  is  no  doubt  whatever 
that  if  any  foreign  foe  ever  succeeded  in  extending  its  dominion  over 
a  considerable  part  of  Latin  America,  and  if  the  nations  of  Latin 
America  should  become  dependencies,  it  would  inevitably  follow  that 
the  United  States  would  meet  the  same  fate,  because  no  foreign  foe 
could  achieve  such  a  result  except  by  victory  over  the  United  States. 

All  Pan  America  will  therefore  rejoice  if  this  conference  shall 
give  the  inspiration,  though  it  may  not  be  able  to  write  the  act,  because 
it  is  not  a  political  gathering,  for  the  actual  evolution  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  into  a  Pan  American  doctrine,  which  will  mean  that  the  Latin 
American  Republics,  in  the  event  the  United  States  were  attacked 
by  the  foreign  foe,  would,  with  all  their  physical  and  moral  force, 
stand  for  the  the  protection  and  sovereignty  of  the  United  States  just 
as  quickly  as  the  United  States,  under  corresponding  circumstances, 
would  stand  for  their  sovereignty  and  integrity.  With  such  a  Pan 
American  doctrine  recognized  and  approved  by  all  the  American  Re- 
publics, there  would  be  no  danger  for  the  sovereignty  and  peace  of 
Pan  America,  and  the  greatest  step  possible  for  practical  peace  among 
all  nations  would  be  achieved. 

[464] 


IDEALS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  LINCOLN  FOR  ALL  AMERICA 

toward  this  ideal;  no  less  diverse  have  been  the  obstacles  which  we 
have  had  to  overcome  in  attempting  to  incorporate  these  ideals  in  our 
national  life  and  thought.  Furthermore,  we  must  not  forget  that  the 
conditions  have  not  been  equally  favorable  to  all  of  us.  Nevertheless, 
each  and  every  country,  even  the  most  modest,  possesses  a  wealth  of 
experience,  which  can  not  help  but  be  of  value  to  all  the  other  countries 
of  the  continent. 

I  believe  that  I  can  say,  without  reserve,  that  the  political  history 
of  Chile  is  the  story  of  a  struggle,  ardent  at  times,  but  always  looking 
toward  the  realization  of  this  democratic  ideal.  Can  you  imagine  a 
purpose  more  important  and  more  noble  for  gatherings  such  as  these 
than  the  study  of  our  political  life  as  republics  and  of  our  evolution 
toward  democratic  ideals  ? 

Let  us  never  forget  that  every  law,  and  that  every  event  in  the 
life  of  our  peoples,  is  a  social  phenomenon,  a  resultant  of  historical 
antecedents,  which,  at  times,  we  are  unable  to  overcome.  Let  us  study 
these  antecedents  with  a  serene  and  dispassionate  silence,  without  prej- 
udice, and  without  passion.  The  results  of  such  study  can  not  help  but 
be  fruitful,  although  we  may  not  be  able  to  express  them  for  the  mo- 
ment in  terms  of  material  advantage.  Material  interests  do  not  al- 
ways unite  nations,  and  at  times  we  have  even  had  instances  in  which 
the  influence  of  such  interests  were  not  in  harmony  with  the  highest 
ideals  of  civilization.  The  advantages  we  have  in  mind  are  of  a  much 
higher  order. 

Permit  me,  therefore,  in  expressing  the  sincere  thanks  of  the  Chil- 
ean Delegation  to  this  Nation,  and  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  for  their  generous  hospitality,  and  to  combine  therewith  the 
expression  of  our  admiration  for  the  high  and  noble  democratic  ideals 
which  Washington  and  Lincoln  have  made  the  common  property  of 
all  the  Americas. 


[493] 


Union  of 


BY 


DOCTOR  ERNESTO  QIJESADA 

President  of  the  Delegation  from  the  Argentine  Republic  at  the 
Second  Pan-American  Scientific  Congress 

OUR  EXCELLENCY,  the  Vice-President  of  the  Re- 
public, the  Honorable,  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr. 
President  of  the  Congress,  ladies  and  gentlemen : 

The  Argentine  Delegation,  over  which  I  have  the 
honor  to  preside,  in  acknowledging  the  distinguished 
attentions  received  alike  from  authorities  and  individ- 
uals, takes  pleasure  in  expressing  its  wishes  that  this  Congress,  des- 
tined as  it  is  to  tighten  the  bonds  of  Pan-American  solidarity  among 
the  nations  of  our  continent,  shall  achieve  success. 

Never  more  than  at  the  present  moment,  while  Europe  is  in  the 
throes  of  the  great  conflict  of  nations,  has  America  been  confronted 
by  a  more  vital  necessity  to  stand  together,  with  a  view  to  uniformity 
in  ideas,  aspirations,  and  tendencies,  as  well  as  in  politico-economic  as 
in  purely  intellectual  spheres.  This  Congress  is  to  concern  itself  with 
only  the  second  of  these  fields  of  thought,  and  the  programme  pre- 
pared is  so  vast  and  comprehensive  that  it  may  be  said  that,  in  the 
many  themes  submitted  for  our  deliberation,  every  problem  that  con- 
fronts the  human  mind  is  to  be  found. 

In  view  of  the  composition  of  the  Congress,  there  will  undoubt- 
edly be  presented  for  us  to  consider  innumerable  papers  which,  not- 
withstanding our  desire  to  do  so,  we  shall  probably  not  have  time  fully 
to  discuss  and  digest.  Perhaps  it  may  become  necessary  for  us  to  con- 
tent ourselves  with  a  concise  exposition  of  the  context  of  each  and 
await  its  publication  in  full  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Congress  for  our 
opportunity  to  take  due  account  of  its  consummate  importance.  But, 

[494] 


THE  INTELLECTUAL  UNION  OF  THE  AMERICAS 

in  any  event,  this  opportunity  of  meeting  and  conferring  with  so  many 
representatives  of  all  the  American  countries  will  contribute  to  facili- 
tate the  solution  of  not  a  few  of  the  questions,  and  will  serve  to  make 
more  binding  the  intellectual  union  of  America,  which,  until  now,  has 
been  somewhat  loose  and  which  has  been  of  rather  negligible  force  in 
certain  sections. 

The  Argentine  Delegation  has  felt  that  it  ought  to  strive  to  make 
the  present  Congress  bear  more  tangible  and  permanent  fruit,  yet 
without  prejudice  to  the  series  of  isolated  papers  that  may  be  presented 
at  its  several  sessions.  To  this  end,  it  has  placed  itself  in  accord  with 
the  Chilean  and  Brazilian  Delegations,  in  order  to  formulate  certain 
proposals  of  a  general  character  and  common  utility,  and  has  submit- 
ted them  previously  for  the  consideration  of  other  delegations,  for  the 
purpose  of  securing  a  true  realization  of  Pan-American  work. 

Because  this  should  be  based  on  the  absolute  international  equality 
of  all  continental  nations,  both  great  and  small,  the  international  con- 
sciences of  all  are  to-day  awakened,  and  are  impressed  with  the  duty 
of  co-ordinating  in  an  effort  to  solve  the  general  problems  from  a 
point  of  view  peculiarly  American.  The  political  aspect  being  happily 
eliminated  from  the  deliberations  of  this  Congress,  the  intellectual 
alone  remains,  and  in  this,  conceivably,  no  stumbling  block  can  present 
itself. 

Therefore,  the  fundamental  idea  pervading  the  three  projects 
that  are  to  be  submitted  to  the  Congress  at  its  next  general  session 
should  be  agreeable  to  all  the  Delegates.  Lack  of  time  only  has  pre- 
vented their  presentation,  unanimously  signed  by  all.  It  is  sought 
thereby  to  complement,  in  the  intellectual  field,  the  work  of  the  exist- 
ing Pan-American  Union,  by  organizing,  as  sections  of  that  union, 
three  subsidiary  unions :  One  pertaining  to  universities,  a  bibliothical 
union,  and  an  archaeological  one. 

The  first  proposes  to  confederate  all  the  universities  of  this  con- 
tinent, for  the  better  development  of  their  organizations  and  tenden- 
cies, the  facilitation  of  interchanges  of  professors  and  students,  and  to 
permit  the  meeting  of  both  in  periodical  assemblies. 

The  second  has  for  its  object  to  place  within  reach  of  the  isolated 
student  the  common  treasures  collected  in  all  the  libraries  of  the  con- 
tinent, by  recommending  to  those  institutions  the  service  of  exchange 
of  publications  and  the  preparation  of  bibliographical  lists  of  intellect- 
ual productions,  to  the  end  that  any  person  may  know  and  obtain  such 
productions  as  may  appear  in  other  sections  of  America. 

[495] 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  third  proposes  to  conserve  the  pre-Columbian  remains  of  the 
ancient  civilizations  of  the  peoples  that  inhabited  this  continent  before 
its  discovery,  and  combine  the  activities  of  the  ethnological  museums, 
in  order  to  facilitate  the  study  of  this  mysterious  science. 

It  will  be  seen,  then,  that  these  projects,  which  it  is  sought  to  have 
the  present  Pan-American  Union  carry  into  effect  as  subsidiaries 
thereof,  will  tend  to  advance  the  solidarity  of  all  the  nations  of  Amer- 
ica, and  to  produce  in  all  very  real  benefits.  So  that,  if  such  projects 
should  prosper,  this  Congress  will  have  given  life  to  new  institutions 
of  a  permanent  character  and  of  indubitable  utility. 

Whether  on  this  account,  or  on  the  more  strictly  technical  ground 
taken  in  the  papers  designated  in  the  programme,  the  Argentine  Dele- 
gation, animated  by  the  most  ample  sentiments  of  American  cof  rater- 
nity,  and  sensible  of  our  imperishable  historical  traditions,  takes  part 
in  the  deliberations  of  the  Congress  imbued  with  the  highest  desire 
for  its  success.  There  is  no  doubt  that  this  will  be  a  brilliant  one,  and 
that  the  generosity  and  unstinted  hospitality  extended  to  us  at  this 
time  by  this  great  country  will  contribute  to  facilitate  that  result  and 
to  tighten  the  bonds  of  friendship  and  sympathy  between  the  nations 
and  the  inhabitants  of  America. 

Such  is  the  message  that  my  country  sends  on  this  portentious 
occasion. 


[496] 


ilonrop  lortrttt?,  Utam?  put 
Ammratt,  "a  ^oltfc  $u>  of  Im- 
00n,  a  fetrantg,  a  Hwlroark 
for  ($ur  i^morraroa" 


JUnoerlpins  tlje  Conference*  ot 

from  t^e  American  SDemoccaciegjfc^'Elieir  WHorft  |2ot  -BDnlg  for 
t&e  Cflle0tern  ^emtep&ere,  but  ^o  project  a  j^eto  ^iff5t  upon 
tje  Intellectual  Jtoealg  of  (Europe,  anb  Effect  a 
Concert  of  t§e  /£ation0jfc*&peec!)  before  t|>e  Second 
American  Scientific  Congrrss 

BY 

HIS  EXCELLENCY,  SENOR  DON  EDUARDO  SUAREZ-MUJICA 

Ambassador  Extraordinary  and  Plenipotentiary  from  Chile  to  the 

United  States 

XCELLENCIES,  Messrs.  Delegates,  Ladies  and  Gen- 
tlemen : 

It  now  behooves  me  to  say  a  few  words,  on  this 
memorable  occasion. 

So  well  known  are  they,  that  I  do  not  have  to  dwell 
upon  the  characteristics  forming  the  essence  of  this 
great  assembly,  and  which  are  not  ordinarily  to  be  found  in  interna- 
tional gatherings  of  a  wider  scope.  Its  purpose,  of  a  purely  intellect- 
ual order,  free  from  any  interests  outside  of  those  of  scientific  re- 
search, displays  that  mark  of  nobleness  and  dignity  peculiar  to  men- 
tal efforts  when  the  mind  strives  for  a  greater  amount  of  light  —  a 
white,  intensive,  and  pure  light  —  to  enlighten  the  path  of  human  prog- 
ress. 

Man,  creation's  superior  being,  owes  to  himself  and  to  the  infi- 

[517] 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

nite  diversifications  of  matter  coming  under  his  control,  the  duty  of 
continually  developing  himself,  so  that  he  may  be  worthy  of  his  semi- 
divine  role,  and  in  order  to  increase,  also  unceasingly,  the  welfare  and 
happiness  in  the  world  wherein  he  exercises  his  sovereign  domain. 

Thus,  a  Congress,  such  as  the  one  we  are  to-day  inaugurating,  to 
attend  which  caravans  of  pilgrims  of  knowledge  of  have  come,  with- 
out heeding  difficulties  or  sacrifices,  from  all  parts  of  the  Continent, 
to  contribute  with  their  share  towards  the  work  for  the  intellectual 
emancipation  of  the  species — a  Congress,  such  as  this,  I  -repeat,  con- 
stitutes a  vivid  testimony  to  the  fact  that  man  is  fulfilling  his  high 
mission,  and  that  his  efforts  and  his  energies  are  not  spared  when  for 
the  sake  of  humanity's  higher  interests. 

To  this  end  it  is  comforting  to  look  back  to  the  origin  of  the  move- 
ment by  which  exactly  one-half  of  the  civilized  countries  of  the  globe 
are  here  to-day  in  communion.  That  origin  shows  how  the  sparks  of 
the  spirit  of  science,  through  their  own  expansive  power,  grow,  until 
they  become  large,  glowing  flames,  capable  of  serving  as  torches  to 
light  the  world's  path. 

Twenty-five  years  ago,  a  modest  Chilean  scientific  organization 
originated  the  institution  of  national  scientific  congresses,  whose 
range  did  not  go  beyond  the  geographical  boundaries  of  the  country, 
unless  it  was  to  appoint  a  few  corresponding  members  in  the  neigh- 
boring Republics. 

Some  years  later,  the  spark  caught  fire  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Andes,  and  an  important  Argentine  scientific  organization,  enlarging 
the  idea  with  a  wider  scope,  and  acting  with  the  co-operation  and  un- 
der the  auspices  of  its  enlightened  Government,  founded  the  perma- 
nent institution  of  Latin  American  Scientific  Congresses,  with  the  en- 
thusiastic participation  of  scientists  from  all  the  cognate  Republics  of 
America. 

A  complete  success  attended  the  first  three  congresses,  held,  re- 
spectively, in  Buenos  Aires,  Montevideo,  and  Rio  de  Janeiro.  When 
the  preliminary  work  of  the  fourth  congress,  sitting  in  Santiago  de 
Chile,  was  undertaken,  its  organization  committee  thought,  in  its  turn, 
that  the  time  was  ripe  for  wiping  out  the  boundary  lines  to  which  these 
congresses,  for  ethnical  reasons,  had  been  confined  until  then,  and  to 
give  them  thereafter  a  continental  latitude,  that  might  be  in  better  har- 
mony with  the  universality  and  majesty  of  their  purposes. 

With  that  end  in  view,  they  sought  and  secured  the  ample,  uncon- 
ditional, and  efficient  co-operation  from  our  great  sister  of  the  north, 


THE   MONROE  DOCTRINE   A   BULWARK   FOR   OUR  DEMOCRACIES 

the  United  States  of  America,  which  nation  participated  in  the  San- 
tiago Congress  with  a  brilliant  representation,  and  now  so  eloquently 
and  pleasingly  shows  to  the  rest  of  America  its  spirit  of  scientific  con- 
fraternity. 

Thus,  through  a  successful,  progressive  evolution,  impelled  by 
men  and  supported  by  governments,  we  have  come,  from  the  modest 
beginning  of  a  local  scientific  body,  to  the  solemn  and  magnificent  in- 
ternational assembly  which  to-day  unites  the  whole  continent  in  a 
brotherly  intercourse  for  the  mutual  benefit  of  all. 

Thus,  also  permanent  existence  has  been  secured  for  an  institu- 
tion which  is  an  honor  to  America,  an  institution  which,  undoubtedly, 
has  already  begun  to  exercise  a  positive  influence  upon  the  populariza- 
tion and  adoption  into  our  laws  or  into  our  economic  or  educational 
methods,  of  principles  and  doctrines  of  common  interest  to  us,  and 
which,  in  fine,  is  likely  destined,  by  reason  of  the  generic  nature  of  its 
scope  and  on  account  of  the  very  intensity  of  its  irradiation,  to  carry 
the  benefits  of  its  work  far  beyond  the  confines  of  Columbus's  world. 
Indeed,  who  can  deny  the  probability  that  tomorrow,  when  the  hour  of 
calm,  of  love,  and  brotherliness  shall  have  replaced  the  hour  of  con- 
flagration, of  hatred,  and  of  death,  now  consuming  the  work  of  the 
other  half  of  the  world — the  oldest,  the  most  civilized,  the  one  whose 
duty  it  is  to  set  up  its  example  with  its  spirit  of  humanity  and  with  its 
powerful  impulse  of  civilization  and  progress — who  can  deny,  I  repeat, 
the  probability  that,  when  the  tragedy  shall  have  ended  and  the  men  in 
that  part  of  the  world  shall  have  recovered  their  equilibrium  of  mind 
and  heart,  our  present  and  future  labors  may  project  a  new  light  upon 
European  intellectualism,  finally  to  effect  a  universal  concert? 

As  a  complement  of  the  work  of  scientific  extension  by  these  con- 
gresses, there  is  the  work  of  social  and  political  extension  which, 
though  not  precisely  their  object,  is  their  natural  consequence  and  in- 
deed does  not  constitute  one  of  the  lesser  benefits  derived  from  their 
meetings.  Together  with  the  abstract  problems  of  anthropology,  law, 
astronomy,  medicine,  mechanics,  there  are  found  the  less  metaphysical 
and  more  practical  researches  on  educational  methods,  sanitation  sys- 
tems, development  of  transportation  facilities,  and  other  factors  of  in- 
dustrial prosperity  bearing  directly  upon  the  common  economy  of  life, 
in  whose  field  intercourse  and  acquaintance  are  facilitated  among  the 
men  who  direct  the  mental  activities  of  countries. 

Men  are  the  instrument,  by  means  of  which  love  and  good-will 
among  people  are  wrought.  They  are  the  ground-work  of  peace  and 

[519] 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN    HISTORY 

the  foundation  of  its  prosperity.  Assembled  in  these  congresses,  and 
thereby  associated  and  acquainted  with  each  other,  they  study  recip- 
rocally their  individual  and  national  traits,  the  conditions  and  necessi- 
ties of  life  in  their  respective  countries,  and  bring  about  an  atmosphere 
of  mutual  understanding  and  congeniality.  Under  this  atmosphere, 
egotism  vanishes,  and  the  obstacles  that  separation  and  distance  put 
in  the  way  of  human  cordiality  are  overcome. 

If  this  indirect  benefit  were  to  be  the  only  outcome  of  these  period- 
ical conventions,  I  do  not  hesitate  in  stating  that,  in  my  judgment,  it 
would  suffice  to  justify  all  efforts  and  all  sacrifices  on  the  part  of  indi- 
viduals and  governments. 

It  is  the  good  fortune  of  this  assembly  to  meet  at  a  time  gratifying 
to  the  political  and  international  interests  of  the  Republics  herein  rep- 
resented. Twenty  days  ago,  at  the  time  of  the  solemn  opening  of  the 
Federal  Congress  of  this  great  Republic,  His  Excellency,  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  tracing  in  detail  the  lines  of  the  exact  meaning 
of  Pan-Americanism,  succeeded  so  eloquently  and  expressively  in 
shaping  his  sentiments  of  continental  brotherhood,  that  his  statements 
were  flashed  by  the  wires  throughout  our  Americas,  like  messages  of 
friendship  and  as  a  crystallization  of  a  policy  of  American  respect, 
equality,  and  solidarity. 

With  the  echo  from  these  solemn  declarations  still  vibrating,  and 
as  if  to  confirm  their  meaning  and  extent  in  a  direct  and  unmistakable 
manner,  His  Excellency,  the  Secretary  of  State,  the  authorized  organ 
for  communicating  the  official  thought  to  the  other  countries,  has  just 
uttered,  in  terms  perhaps  more  assertive,  although  not  more  transpar- 
ent, the  complete  expression  of  the  Pan- American  sentiment  and  pol- 
icy, wherefrom  the  government,  guiding  the  affairs  of  George  Wash- 
ington's country,  derives  and  shall  derive  its  inspiration. 

A  new  community  of  interests  and  a  clearer  conception  of  their 
common  ties, — said  His  Excellency,  President  Wilson, — binds  the  na- 
tions of  America  to-day.  All  intelligent  men  should  welcome  the  new 
light  guiding  us  now,  when  nobody  here  thinks  of  guardianship  or 
tutelage,  but  of  a  frank  and  honorable  association  with  our  neighbors, 
in  the  interest  of  all  America,  North  and  South.  Within  the  purpose 
of  defending  national  independence  and  political  liberty  in  America, 
which  inspired  the  historical  declaration  by  President  Monroe,  there 
is  no  thought  of  our  taking  advantage  of  any  Government  in  this  Hem- 
isphere or  of  exploiting  for  our  benefit  their  political  contingencies. 
All  the  Governments  of  America, — the  worthy  Executive  of  this  coun- 

[520] 


THE    MONROE   DOCTRINE   A    BULWARK    FOR   OUR   DEMOCRACIES 

try  concludes  with  eloquent  majesty, — stand,  so  far  as  we  are  con- 
cerned, upon  a  footing  of  genuine  equality  and  unquestioned  independ- 
ence. ,  Mutual  co-operation  in  the  divers  orders  of  their  national  activ- 
ities, the  unity  of  their  thought  and  action,  the  community  of  their 
sympathies  and  ideals,  such  are  the  characteristics  of  Pan-American- 
ism. There  is  none  of  the  imperialistic  spirit  in  it;  only  the  embodi- 
ment, effectual  embodiment,  of  the  spirit  of  law,  of  independence,  of 
liberty,  and  of  reciprocal  support. 

A  similar  language,  an  expression  equally  clear  and  precise,  of 
American  confraternity,  a  statement  of  declarations  no  less  substantive 
and  valuable,  has  just  been  formulated  by  His  Excellency,  the  Secre- 
tary of  State,  in  the  remarkable  speech  we  have  heard  from  him. 

This  is  a  Pan-American  gathering.  It  is  the  first  large  meeting  of 
eminent  men  from  all  Americas  held  since  and  soon  after  the  trans- 
cendental manifestation  of  purposes  by  the  two  officals  embodying 
the  representation  and  assuming  the  responsibilities  for  the  foreign 
policy  of  the  United  States.  Therefore,  no  other  opportunity  is  more 
propitious,  nor  any  representative  body  is  better  qualified  than  ours, 
at  this  time,  to  take  notice  of  such  declaration,  and  to  place  them  over 
the  frontispiece  of  this  Congress,  within  a  frame  built  by  the  friend- 
ship and  love  of  the  other  twenty  republics  of  the  Continent. 

Although  representing  only  one  of  those  Republics,  I  am  never- 
theless convinced  that  I  am  interpreting  the  thought  and  feeling  of 
each  and  every  one  of  them,  when  I  say  that  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  to-day  completes  the  erasing,  with  a  friendly  hand,  of 
the  last  traces  of  past  misunderstandings  and  erroneous  interpreta- 
tions which  had  in  former  times  clouded  the  political  horizon  of  Amer- 
ica. No  doubt,  there  had  prevailed  before  now,  in  the  atmosphere  in 
American  Foreign  Offices,  uncertainties,  misgivings,  and  suspicions, 
whenever  the  well-inspired  and  unquestionably  beneficial  declaration 
of  President  Monroe  was  brandished  in  the  United  States  with  a  view 
to  practical  application.  There  was  lacking  the  precise  definition  of 
the  meaning  and  extent  of  that  memorable  document,  and  many  of  the 
weaker  American  nations,  like  small  birds  that  feel  in  the  air  the  sound 
of  a  menacing  flight,  seemed  afraid  and  apprehensive,  whenever  the 
news  reached  them  of  a  possible  practical  application  of  its  declara- 
tions. 

Thus,  the  Monroe  doctrine  might  have  been  a  threat,  so  long  as 
it  was  only  a  right  and  an  obligation  on  the  part  of  the  United  States. 
Generalized  as  a  derivation  from  the  Pan-American  policy,  supported 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

by  all  the  Republics  in  the  continent,  as  a  common  force  and  a  common 
defense,  it  has  become  a  solid  tie  of  unison,  a  guaranty,  a  bulwark  for 
our  democracies. 

Before  now,  some  steps  had  been  tried  with  success  along  the  path 
of  Pan-American  evolution,  and  if  those  preliminary  efforts  have, 
through  circumstances,  been  participated  in  only  by  a  numerically 
small  and  geographically  distant  group  of  the  countries  in  the  hemis- 
phere, it  is  not,  indeed,  due  to  the  purposes  of  exclusion  or  selection 
which  would  have  been  inconsistent  with  the  well  proven  spirit  of 
brotherhood  that  always  inspired  the  governments  of  those  countries. 
All  the  Republics  of  America  are  capable  of  setting  up  their  own  des- 
tiny, and  all  are  unquestionably  bound  to  serve,  in  their  turn,  as  expo- 
nents of  our  civilization  and  progress. 

It  is,  therefore,  gratifying  to  expect  days  of  joy  and  glory  for  our 
America.  The  ship  of  our  destinies,  flying  the  banner  of  fraternity 
and  solidarity,  which  are  the  motto  of  Pan- Americanism,  cannot  run 
against  any  rocks  that  might  hinder  her  course.  The  forces  of  twenty- 
one  countries  are  united  to  propel  her,  and  by  means  of  this  harmonious 
impulse,  moral  progress  is  secured,  and  the  road  leading  to  the  achieve- 
ment of  material  advancement  is  directly  pursued. 

Messrs.  Delegates:  Under  the  auspices  of  the  cordial  reception 
accorded  us  by  this  country  and  with  our  hearts  full  of  faith  in  the  suc- 
cess of  the  journey,  you  are  going  to  undertake  your  labors,  from 
which  America  expects  fruitful  results.  We  are  in  the  country  of 
great  energies,  where  every  man  is  an  originating  power,  and  where 
every  solution  spells  victory  for  the  welfare  of  humanity.  Let  us,  we 
delegates  with  the  Latin  soul,  prove  that  we  are  equally  capable  of 
generating  energy  to  insure  the  well-being  of  humankind,  and  that  we 
are  likewise  able  to  assist,  with  a  contribution  worthy  of  our  brothers 
of  Anglo-Saxon  America,  in  the  work  of  Pan-American  communion 
to  which  we  are  invited  by  the  engaging  word  of  President  Wilson  and 
his  Secretary  of  State. 

In  concluding  my  remarks,  I  request  the  Congress  that,  with  all 
standing  up,  it  shall  join  me  in  sending  the  homage  of  our  respectful 
greetings  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  who  is  to  us  the  high- 
est embodiment  of  the  national  entity  of  this  Republic. 


[522] 


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BY 
DOCTOR  EDUARDO  J.  PINTO 

Chairman  of  the  Costa  Rican  Delegation  to  the  Second 
Pan-American  Scientific  Congress 

OUR  Excellency,  Mr.  Vice-President,  Mr.  Secretary  of 
State,  Mr.  President  of  the  Congress,  ladies  and  gen- 
tlemen : 

The  peaceful  assembling  of  free  America  to  discuss 
in  this  Congress,  and  at  this  moment,  the  best  and  most 
adequate  means  science  can  dispose  of  to  dignify  and 
beautify  human  life,  is  highly  significant  to  all  who  have  had  the  priv- 
ilege of  being  born  in  the  new  world.  And  that  this  should  happen  at 
the  precise  moment  when  the  genius  of  war  prevails  as  a  god  com- 
manding ruin  and  desolation  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic  is  even 
more  significant.  The  pride  which  the  Pan-Americans  to-day  ex- 
perience is  the  more  intense  and  well  justified  since  this  is  the  second 
continental  convention  which  has  met  in  Washington  during  the  pe- 
riod of  world-wide  desolation.  It  would  seem  as  if,  by  a  natural  re- 
flex impulse,  the  nations  of  America,  having  witnessed  the  results  of 
upheaval  and  hatred,  wished  to  prevent  them  forever,  making  a  union 
ever  growing  in  strength  and  cordiality. 

[523] 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

Gentlemen  of  the  Congress,  my  country,  Costa  Rica,  being  so 
small  a  nation,  has  but  very  limited  means  at  her  disposal  to  be  able 
to  offer  you  any  original  work  deserving  the  care  and  consideration 
of  your  enlightened  science  and  learning.  I  therefore  beg  of  you  to 
accept  in  her  name  the  earnest  and  sincere  wishes  that  your  efforts 
may  attain  the  most  brilliant  success,  as  is  called  forth  by  your  learn- 
ing, by  the  noble  motives  which  summoned  you  here,  and  by  the  great- 
ness and  glory  of  the  nations  you  are  representing  on  this  most  sol- 
emn occasion. 


[524] 


lord  Bros. 
Makers 
rton,  Calif. 

IAN  21,  1908 


